fern* 

#338 


To  the  Congress 
Conf  Pam  12mo  #398 

DTnn3b2/ 


[From  the  Sentinel.] 

TO      THE      CONGKRESS 

OF    THE 

CONFEDERATE    STATES. 


I. 

What  are  the  elements  of  the  high  prices  ? 

1.  Want  of  faith  in  the  Government. 

2.  Redundant  currency. 

3.  Short  supplies. 

What  are  the  remedies  ?  Inspire  confidence  in  the  integrity  of  the 
Government,  and  reduce  the  volume  of  the  currency  by  heavy  taxation. 

What  is  the  bill  the  Finance  Committee  of  the  Senate  has 
reported  ?  Rumor  says  it  is  a  forced  funding  of  three  dollars  for  one. 
What  is  that  but  repudiation  of  two  dollars  in  every  three  ?  How  is  it 
defended?  That  the  one  dollar  will  buy  as  much  as  the  three;  that 
the  holders  of  the  currency  will  be  worth  as  much  in  fact,  and  the 
nation  relieved  of  two~thirds  of  its  floating  debt.  What  is  the  one 
dollar  left  ?  A  promise  to  pay.  Of  whom  ?  Of  the  same  party  who 
promised  to  pay  the  three,  and  afterwards  repudiated  two.  How  will 
plain,  common  sense  people  view  this  ?  As  the  sophistry  of  a  shift- 
ing and  swindling  debtor.  Will  they  have  more  faith  that  the 
Government  will  pay  the  one  dollar  than  the  three  ?  No,  not  so  much. 
When  they  took  the  three  they  supposed  the  Government  honest,  and 
had  confidence  it  would  pay ;  but,  since  it  has  proven  faithless,  all 
confidence  will  be  lost,  and  they  will  not  touch  a  dollar  which  they 
can  prevent.     What  a  discovery  in  finance  has  this  committee  made  ! 


How  easy  to  reduce  a  debt,  nay  discharge  the  whole.  At  one  stroke^ 
■without  paying  a  cent,  wipe  out  two-thirds.  Next  session  wipe  out 
two-thirds  of  the  remainder,  and,  by  this  legerdemain,  in  a  short  time 
the  people  will  be  "disenthralled"  by  the  "  irresistible  genius"  of 
repudiation.  For  certainly,  if  by  this  magic  power  the  currency  is 
wiped  out,  who  will  have  faith  in  the  bonds ;  and  how  long  will  they 
stand  ?  Upon  what  do  they  rest?  Upon  the  promise  to  pay  of  the 
same  party.  The  highway  robber,  who  demands  my  purse,  I  should 
respect  about  as  much  as  him  who  takes  two-thirds,  with  the  intima- 
tion I  may  retain  the  balance  until  his  necessities  require  it.  Upon 
whom  will  this  confiscation  fall  ?  Upon  the  bankers,  speculators, 
capitalists,  members  of  Congress  ?  No.  They  are  too  keen ;  .they 
have,  or  will,  shift  off  the  currency  upon  honest,  confiding  people, 
and  upon  this  class  your  legislation  will  fall  with  as  crushing  an 
effect  as  the  defeat  of  Lee  or  Johnston. 

Who  is  responsible  for  the  condition  of  the  currency  ?  Congress 
and  the  Government.  .Not  a  dollar  has  been  issued  but  by  your 
authority.  Whose  debt  is  it  ?  The  people's  debt.  Who  should  pay 
it  ?  The  people.  The  people's  debt  should  be  paid  by  the  people's 
property.  How  do  you  propose  to  pay  it  ?  By  confiscating  two  thirds 
of  the  property  of  one  class,  and  letting  the  other  classes  go  free. 
No,  legislators,  "justice  is  a  jewel."  She  cries  aloud  that  all  pro- 
perty, money,  bonds,  lands,  negroes,  should  be  equally  taxed  to 
reduce  the  currency.  Let  it  be  ten,  fifteen,  twenty,  twenty-jive  per 
cent.  ;  but  let  it  be  equal.  Better  one-half  than  lose  all.  The  people 
are  anxious  for  heavy  taxation.  They  know  the  necessity.  The 
confiscation  of  two-thirds  of  the  currency  would  not  affect  me 
directly,  for  what  I  have  is  in  land,  negroes  and  bonds  ;  but  my  sense 
of  moral  justice  revolts  at  the  injustice  of  saddling  on  a  cla^s  a 
burthen  which  should  rest  equally  on  all.  I  embarked  in  this  revo- 
lution heart  and  soul ;  have  lost  much ;  had  rather  lose  all  than  be 
subjugated — the  slave  of  Yankee  masters.  I  want  to  bear  my  portion 
of  the  burthens  of  war  for  independence,  and  not  fasten  them  upon 
the  backs  of  others. 

Your  policy  of  confiscating  the  currency  would  spread  dismay 
among  the  people — distract  and  divide  when  we  want  union,  which  is 
strength.  There  never  was. a  time  when  a  heavy  tax  could  so  easily 
be  paid  as  at  present.  Say  to  the  people,  by  your  legislation,  it  must 
be  done  for  the  safety  of  the  nation,  and  there  will  be  cheerful 
acquiescence.  A  tax  of  twenty  per  cent,  in  currency  would  not  be 
more  than  two  per  cent,  in  ordinary  times.  Would  they  not  freely 
submit  to  this  to  save  their  homes,  liberties,  and,  many  like  you,  their 
necks?  By  a  timid  and  unjust  policy  you  hazard  all,  strengthen  the 
enemy  and  dispirit  the  people.  Be  bold  and  just,  and  with  a  united 
nation  and  our  brave  armies  we  can  defy  the  enemy.  Wre  are  engaged 
in  a  great  war — a  life  struggle.  The  people  have  confided  in  you — 
prove  yourselves  equal  to  the  occasion.  The  nation  looks  to  you  in 
anxious  suspense.  The  fate  of  this  revolution  may  hinge  upon  the 
wisdom  of  your  action  Be  self-sacrificing,  bold  and  just',  and  the 
God  of  nations  will  smile  upon  your  labors.     Hug  to  your  bosom  the 


delusion  that  all  your  land  and  negroes  can   be  saved,  and  we  are 
ruined.     You  lore  all,  and  deserve  to  lose  all;  but  G-od  pitv  us, 

THE  PEOPLE. 


IT. 

All  wisdom  is  not  in  Congress.  The  people  have  some.  I  shall  be 
"brief,  that  you  may  read.  The  debt  of  the  Confederate  States  is  the 
people's  debt,  and  the  people  should  pay  it.  They  are  able  and  will- 
ing, if  not  demoralized  by  the  public  councils  and  the  press. 

Suppose  the  currency  is  seven  hundred  millions.  That  amount  did 
not  purchase  more  than  a  fourth,  a  fifth,  and  iu  some  instances  a  tenth, 
of  what  good  money  would.  Will  it  be  wise  to  consolidate  thi3  into 
a  permanent  debt,  as  a  legacy  to  posterity  ?  No  ;  but  better  that  than 
repudiation.  No  necessity  for  either.  A  tax  cf  twenty  per  cent,  on 
ail  property,  money,  bonds,  lands  and  negroes,  &c,  would  pay  it. 
Distribute  it  over  two  or  more  years.  The  former  is  preferable.  Offer 
a  tempting  premium  to  such  as  will  anticipate  their  taxes.  Twenty 
per  cent,  to  be  paid  in  present  currency,  would  not  be  as  much  as 
two  per  ant.  in  peace  times,  in  gold.  Such  as  have  not  the  money, 
can  sell  property  at  two,  three,  and  four  prices,  if  necessary,  or  borrow 
with  ease  on  long  time.  When  there  is  distress  in  the  money  market. 
it  arises  from  many  borrowers  and  few  Ijiders.  Now  it  is  exactly  the 
reverse. 

I  will  now,   in    few    words,  respectfully  suggest  such  measures  %t 
will  preserve  the  public  faith,  restore   confidence,    animate  our   own, 
people,  and  whip  the  enemy. 

1st.  Pass  a  separate  bill,  entitled  "  a  bill  to  pay  off  the  present  cur- 
rency,'' with  provisions  as  above  indicated.  Demonetise  the  present 
issue  after  the  first  of  July,  except  for  the  above  tax. 

2d.   Issue,  gradually,  up  to  the  first  of  July,  two  hundred  and  fifty 

millions  of  treasury  and  legal  tender  notes,  payable  in  gold  in 

years  after  the  war.  I  have  no  doubt  of  the  constitutionality  of  such 
notes,  but  such  as  have,  ought  to  yield  them  to  save  the  constitution 
and  the  country. 

3d.  Authorize  the  issue  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  five 
per  cent,  coupon  bonds,  payable  in  years. 

4th.  Raise  by  export  and  import  duties  forty  millions,  and  pledge  it 
to  the  payment  of  the  principal  and  interest  of  the  ab^ove  bonds.  In- 
terest $37,500,000.  Dedicate  the  two  and  a  half  million  to  a  sink- 
ing fund. 

.  Until  the  end  of  the  war,  raise  by  taxation  forty  millions  for 
the  above  object,  payable  in  g  .dd.  Legal  tender  notes  and  the  coupons, 
receivable  as  the  equivalent  for  gold. 

„  6th.  Authorize  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  dispose  of  the  said 
coupon  bonds  to  the  highest  bidder,  as  the  necessities  of  the  Govern- 
ment may  require.  +Qj  j?  j*  j  -j_ 

8th.  Authorize  the  present  Kolo^r^i(7oniederate  bonds  to  exchange 


them  for  the  five  per  cent,  bonds — the  eight  per  cent,  at  par,  and  the  six 
and  seven  in  proportion.  The  five  per  cent,  coupon  bonds,  with  the 
specific  tax  pledged,  would  be  more  valuable  in  market  than  the  eight 
percent.,  without  such  pledge.  Hence,  I  suppose,  all  the  present 
bonds,  with  the  exception  of  the  fifteen  million  loan,  would  be  merged 
in  the  five  per  cent.  One  year  will  close  the  war,  if  you  are  bold 
and  wise.  Suppose  it  should  continue  two :  how  will  we  probably 
stand,  under  the  above  series  of  measures  ?  The  present  redundant 
currency,  will  be  paid  by  the  twenty  per  cent,  tax,  not  equal  to  two 
per  cent,  in  peace  times,  andwith  a  restored  and  good  currency  prices 
will  be  reasonable.  The  tithe  tax  ought,  and  probably  will,  feed  the 
army.     If  not,  increase  it. 

By  five  per  cent,  coupon  bonds,     -  -  -        $750,000,000 

By  legal  tender  notes,        .....  250,000,000 


To  eight  per  cent,  &c,  merged  in  the  five 

per  cents,  -  -  -         400,000,000 

Pay  of  army,  ordnance  department, 
transportation,  &c,  ought  not  to  ex- 
ceed two  hundred  and  fifty  millions, 
but  say  -  -  -         270,000,000 

Interest  on  debt,  s^  -  -  30,000,000 


$1,000,000,000 


,000,000,000 


Balance  to  the  credit  of  the  Government  at  the  end 

of  the  year,       -  -  -  ...        $300,000,000 

If  the  war  should  continue  one  more  year,  we  shall  emerge  from  it 
as  an  independent  people,  with  a  debt  of  about  seven  hundred  mil- 
lions ;  if  it  should  last  two  years,  with  a  debt  of  not  over  a  thousand 
millions.  Carry  these  measures  out,  the  faith  of  the  nation  will  be 
preserved,  the  credit  of  the  Confederacy  will  loom  up  to  the  astonish- 
ment and  wonder  of  the  world,  and  they  who  bear  the  burthens  will 
.bless  you.     We,  THE  PEOPLE. 


HI. 

"In  my  first  number,  I  showed  how  you  would  dishonor  the  people 
•by  confiscating  two-thirds  of  the  money  in  the  hands  of  the  honest 
•and  confiding,  whilst  bankers,  capitalists,  speculators,  and  members  of 
Congress,  would  be  free. 

In  my  second  number,  I  showed  there  was  no  necessity  for  such 
an  outrage,  but  by  adopting  a  series  of  measures,  therein  suggested, 
instead  of  repudiating  two-thirds  of  the  currency,  the  whole  could  be 
absorbed  by  taxation,  in  two  years,  not  as  heavy  as  two  per  cent,  in  peace 
times.     I  further  showed  that  this  great  war  could  be  carried  on  for 


one  more  year,  and  if  it  then  closed,  leave  a  debt  of  but  seven  hundred 
millions;  if  it  lasted  two  more  years,  and  then  ended,  leaving  a  debt 
of  about  a  thousand  millions. 

Be  not  too  wise  to  listen  to  the  people.  Be  not  too  proud  to  adopt 
any  saving  measures,  though  they  may  come  from  the  people.  I  am 
sincere.  I  plead  that  I  may  be  taxed.  I  repeat,  the  confiscation 
would  not  affect  me  directly,  for  my  means  are  in  lands,  negroes,  and 
bonds.  I  scorn  to  save  them  by  confiscating  the  property  of  others, 
which  should  be  touched  only  with  even  handed  justice.  It  would  affect 
me  indirectly,  for  the  moral  effect  upon  our  own  people  would  be  bad, 
very  bad.  It  will  sow  dissensions  among  them.  The  suffering  party 
will  be  bitter  against  such  partial  legislation.  They  will  charge  : 
You  have  sacrificed  them,  to  save  ynur  land  and  /  egroes.  And  if  your 
own  folly  should  bring  ruin  on  the  country,  in  the  bitterness  of  their 
souls,  they  will  find  a  morsel  of  comfort,  in  your  agony,  when  your 
homes  are  desolated,  your  slaves  freed,  your  lands  parceled  out  to 
your  negroes  and  a  hired  soldiery,  your  wivas  and  children  scattered, 
without  cover  to  shelter  them  from  the  "pelting  of  the  pitiless  storm," 
and  you  hung  as  traitors.  No,  legislators,  stand  up  like  men ;  be 
the  true  representatives  of  a  noble  people.  They  have  "drawn  the 
sword  and  thrown  away  the  scabbard.''  'Tis  with  them  "death  or 
victory."  We  can  never  be  conquered,  if*  true  to  ourselves.  Who 
are  you  ?  Many,  the  foremost  in  bringing  on  this  war — all  the  trusted 
.representatives  of  the  people. 

Be  not  week-kneed.  Think  of  Washington  and  Henry.  How  they 
acted  in  such  a  crisis.  Show  an  elevated,  self-sacrificing  spirit.  Be 
bold  and  wise.  Impose  heavy,  but  equal  taxation.  Let  the  people 
know  you  suffer  with  them,  and  they  will  cheerfully  bear  any  bur- 
thens necessary  to  defend  our  soil  from  the  polluting  foot-prints  of 
the  Yankee  vandals.  For  they  know  subjugation  is  a  loss  of  all 
property,  and  worse  than  that,  the  loss  of  liberty. 

Adopt  the  measures  suggested  in  my  second  number,  and  what  a 
spectacle  will  be  presented  to  to  the  world:  A  people,  in  the  midst 
of  a  great  struggle,  after  three  years  of  desolating  wrar,  taxing  them- 
selves to  sink  seven  hundred  millions  of  currency,  and  providing 
ample  means  for  its  continuance.  The  faith,  of  the  nation  preserved, 
and  the  night-mare  of  "repudiation"  buried  so  deep  "that  the  hand 
of  resurrection"  will  never  reach  it. 

What  will  be  the  moral  effect  in  Europe  ?  Better  than  any  of 
the  great  victories  we  have  obtained.  It  will  satisfy  them,  that  a 
people  so  just,  honest,  and  self-sacrificing,  can  never  be  conquered. 
It  well  do  more  to  introduce  us  into  the  family  of  nations  than  the 
diplomacy  of  all  our  ministers.  It  will  elevate  our  credit  to  a  point 
higher  than  any  nation  struggling  for  independence  which  has  ever 
appeared  "in  the  tide  of  time."  What  will  be  the  moral  effect  in 
Yankee  land  ?  Greater  than  the  rout  of  Grant  and  his  army,  or 
the  defeat  of  Meade  and  his  hosts.  Wall  street  will  be  panic- - 
stricken,  and  the  nation  paralized.  They  looked,  with  confidence, 
to  our  currency  doing  what  their  armies  could  not — crushing  us — and,, 
behold,  ire  have  shaken  it  off,  "as  the  dew-drop  from  the  lion's  mane.'* 


6 

What  will  be  the  moral  effect  on  our  people  and  army  ?  The  peo- 
ple will  feel  proud  they  have  a  Congress  and  Government  equal  to- 
the  occasion — just  to  all  ;  oppressive  to  none.  The  army  will  go  forth 
to  battle  with  "the  sword  of  the  Lord  arid  of  Gideon,"  and  win  vic- 
tories for  home,  country,  and 

THE  PEOPLE. 


IV. 

I  condense  that  vou  may  read.     I  sympathize   in  the  great  duties 
you  have  to  discharge,  the  harrassments  incident  to  your  position. 

Of  your  body,  how  many  are  lawyers?  Overwhelming  majority. 
The  training  of  the  mind,  for  years,  "  to  make  the  worse  appear  the 
better  cause,"  warps  the  judgment.  In  cases  of  murder,  able  counsel 
rarely  fail  to  convince  themselves  of  the  innocence  of  the  prisoner, 
whilst  the  jury  pronounce  "'guilty."  How  else  can  it  be  accounted- 
for,  that  sensible  and  lionorabh  men  can,  by  sophistical  reasoning,  satisfy 
themselves  that  the  confiscation  of  two  dollars  in  three  is  not  repudiation  ? 
I  beseech  jou,  legislators,  to  sink  pride  of  opinion.  None  but  noblo 
minds  are  equal  to  this  ;  the  little  never.  What  news  from  the  army  ? 
That  our  brave  boys  are  re  enlisting,  for  the  war,  by  regiments,  bri- 
gades, divisions. 

What  do  we  want?  A  united  and  buoyant  people.  Give  this,  and 
all  difficulties  will  vanish  "as  the  dew  before  the  morning's  sun." 
Another  campaign  will  end  the  war.  How  can  this  be  effected  ?  By 
heavy  taxation — bold,  but  just  legislation.  We,  the  people,  are  willing 
to  do  our  part,  if  you  will  yours.  What  is  the  confiscation  of  a  part  of 
the  currency  but  class  legislation  ?  Class  legislation  can  never  be 
defended — no  justice  in  it.  Your  wealth  is  chiefly  in  land  find 
negroes  Suppose  it  were  possible,  by  an  edict  of  legislation,  that 
two-thirds  of  both  were  annihilated,  whilst  money  and  bonds  were 
untouched,  would  you  be  comforted  by  the  assurance  of  capitalists, 
that  the  remaining  third  was  as  valuable  as  the  whole  ?  No.  Your 
indignant  response  would  be,  "  prepare,  ye  Gods,  with  all  your  thun- 
derbolts, and  dash  them  to  pieces," 

The  negro  is,  more  than  any  other  kind  of  property,  the  cause  of 
this  war.  Suppose  you  were  to  direct  that  every  master  should  sur- 
render to  the  Government  two  out  of  th'-ee  whilst  money  and  other 
moptrty  were  exempted.  Would  not  this  be  infamous  class  legislation  ? 
Would  you  not  invoke  on  your  heads  the  curses  of  the  owners  ? 
.'Human  nature  answers  yes.  Legislators,  can  you  suppose  the 
owners  of  your  "promises  to  pay,"  which,  in  some  cases,  may  be 
-their  all,  are  moulded  of  milder  clay?  No;  the  same  sense  of  justice 
swells  their  bosoms,  and  a  wrong  and  outrage  on  them,  as  a  class,  will 
be  as  indignantly  felt  and  resented  as  by  any  others.  Class  legisla- 
tion will  be  productive  of  evil,  unmixed  evil.  "  Get  behind  me, 
Satan."     Invoke  harmony.     Discord  will  be  fatal. 


If  the  ugly  features  of  class  legislation  and  repudiation  are  so  hideous, 
as  a  domestic  question,  how  will  they  appear  to  the  Yankees  and 
Europe?  The  opinion  of  a  nation  like  the  United  States,  made,  by 
its  atrocities,  a  "hissing  and  by-word"  throughout  Christendom, 
may  be  disregarded.  Its  in  fain  y  is  a  shield  against  its  moral  censure. 
But  the  Beast  will  regard  it  as  an  indication  of  approaching  dissolu 
and  whet  its  teeth  to  devour  its  prey.  As  they  think  we  weaken,  they 
will  become  brave. 

Europe  has  looked  indifferently  upon  this  cruel  war  ;   has  witnessed, 
without   remonstrance,    the   violations   of  the   laws  of  nations ;    been 
deaf  to   the   calls  of  international  justice,   yet  we   cannot   be,  te 
indifferent  to  her  judgment,  now  and  hereafter. 

Since  the  repudiation  by  Mississippi,  the  tone  of  European  e 
ment  has  been  adverse  to  the  moral  integrity  of  the  South,  and  they 
have  ascribed   it  to  our  domestic   institutions — associated   repudiation 
with   slavery.       This    is    the    testimony  of   southern    men   who   have 
traveled  in  Europe.     Confiscate  the  currency,  indulge  in  ci  i 
lation,  and  that  opinion  will  be  deepened.      Be  equal  to  the  occ:< 
pay,  as  we  are  able,  to  the  last  farthing,  and  we  shall  be  as  a  pillar  of 
light,  on  a  high  hill ;   and,  whilst  unborn   nations   may   emulate  our 
gallantry,  they  will  never  surpass  the  justice  of  us. 

J  THE  PEOPLE. 


To  the  "measures"   suggested   for  our  financial  difficulties  h 
second  number,  I  recur,  to  be  more  explicit,  and  consider  difficulties. 
1st.   Pass  a   separate   bill,   entitled   ".a   bill   to  pay  off  the  pr     >nt 

a  rrency"  by  a  direct  and  uniform  tax  on  all  property,  money,  bo 
land,  negroes/'  ccc,  of  twenty  per  cent,  on  its  value  in  Confederate 
money,  payable  in  present  currency.  This  would  amount  to  not  less 
than  eight  hundred'  millions.  Spread  this  over  two  ywts%  and  provide, 
that  such  as  pay  their  full  portion  by  the  first  day  of  July,  shall 
have  a  discount  of  twenty  per  cent.  ;  those  who  pay  in  full  by  the  first 
of  Januanj,  1SG5,  shall  have  a  discount  of  ten  per  cent.  Deinona-  i 
the  present  issue  after  the  first  of  July. 

The  tempting  premiums  for  anticipated  payments  would  bring  into 
the  treasury  by  the  first  of  July  two-thirds  of  the  currency,  (say  f 
hundred  and  sixty- six  millions,)   by  the  first  of  January,  1865,  nine- 
tenths,   (say  six   hundred   and   thirty  millions, )  and   during   the 
1865,   the   whole.     Thus,   we    and   posterity,    will   be   relieved    i 
mighty  weight,  by  a  tax,  not  more  than  two  per  cent,  in  peac 
and  which  may  be  the   means   of  saving   our  whole   estates,  our  li 
and  liberties;  for  he  is   a   craven  spirit  who  would   wish   to   sur 
Yankee  subjugation.     If  you  are  not  equal  to  this  the  people  are. 

The  Yankees   have   taken  from  me,  not  less   than   thirty-thr' 
cent,   of  my   whole  estate.     I   begrudge  it  to   the   thiev:s  ;  but  how 


8 

gladly  will  I  surrender  two  per  cent,  to  my  country;  nay,  any  per  cent.,  so 
it  is  uniform,  to  save  its  honor,  redeem  its  credit,  and  ride  victoriously 
over  the  enemy.  But  it  is  objected,  it  w>uld  be  a  violation  of  the 
Constitution,  which  declares,  "  no  capitation  or  other  direct  tax  shall 
be  laid,  unless  in  proportion  to  the  census  or  enumeration,  herein 
directed  to  be  taken."  In  a  previous  clause  it  is  declared :  The  actual 
enumeration  shall  be  made  within  three  years  after  the  first  meeting 
of  the  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States."  No  such  enumeration 
has  been  made.  These  objectors,  I  refer  to  the  satisfactory  arguments 
of  the  presidential  message  and  Secretary  Memminger's  report  without 
repetition.  Also,  to  their  confiding  constituency,  should  such  qualms 
of  conscience  sacrifice  them,  Constitution  and  all,  to  Northern 
despotism. 

"2d.  Issue  gradually,  by  the  first  of  July,  tvo  hundred  and  fifty 
millions  of  Treasury  and  legal  tender  notes,  payable  in  gold  at  the  end 
of  the  war."  Another  constitutional  difficulty.  What  does  the  Con- 
Btitution  say  ?  "  No  States  shall  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver 
coin,  a  tender  in  the  payment  of  debts."  Article  I,  section  X.  It  is  a 
prohibition,  wise  and  necessary  upon  the  States.  Why?  That  a 
uniform  currency  may  pe  preserved  in  a  Confederated  Union.  Other- 
wise, one  State  might  make  notes  a  legal  tender  and  the  rest  refuse. 
In  the  former,  I  might  be  compelled  to  receive  my  claim  in  notes,  and 
in  the  latter  not  be  able  to  pay  my  debts  with  them.  Congress  has 
power  "  to  raise  and  support  armies."  Congress  has  power  "  to 
regulate  commerce."  Congress  has  power  "  to  make  all  laws,  which 
shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into  execution  the  fore- 
going powers."  Can  armies  be  supported  and  paid  without  a  good 
currency  ?  Can  "  commerce  "  be  regulated  without  a  good  currency  ? 
Are  not  legal  tender  notes  "  necessary  and  proper"  to  make  a  good 
currency  ?  If  so,  are  they  not  constitutional  ?  What  justice  in  not 
making  them  a  legal  tender?  What  hardship  to  the  creditor  more 
than  others  ?  You  compel  the  soldiers,  the  farmers,  the  mechanics, 
all  to  take  them  from  the  Government.  Why  should  not  the  creditor 
take  them  from  his  debtor?  If  it  be  a  hardship  to  one  class  it  is  so 
to  all.  It  would  add  value  to  the  notes,  and  none  would  seek  to  dis- 
credit them,  but  all  strive  to  sustain  them.  Suppose  you  are  patriotic 
and  bold  enough  to  impose  the  taxes  for  sinking  the  present  currency 
and  forty  million  addition  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  the  seven 
hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  coupons  as  indicated,  confidence  will  be 
inspired,  the  legal  tender  notes  would  be  valued.  They  being  the 
only  issue,  creditors  would  willingly  receive  them.  Pledge  the  faith 
of  the  Government  that  the  issue  shall  not  exceed  two  hundred  and 
fifty  millions. 

The  power  must  exist,  somewhere,  under  every  government.  The 
States  are  forbid  to  make  a  legal  tender.  The  Confederate  Govern- 
ment must  have  it,  under  the  necessity,  which  has  forced  its  exercise 
by  every  government  in  a  great  crisis. 

The  Confederate  Government,  has  it,  under  the  necessity,  which 
compels  it  to  give  "just  compensation"  for  "private  property" 
taken  for  public  use."     The  war  cannot  be  carried  on  without,  in 


9 

many  cases,  impressing  private  property.  Compensation  to  bo  "just," 
must  have  value,  and  the  power  to  give  value,  to  its  issues,  must  exist 
in  the  government,  or  no  "just  compensation"  is  possible. 

The  prohibition  of  the  power  to  "  States,"  was  induced  by  the 
fact,  that,  during  the  American  revolution,  the  different  States  had 
legal  tender  notes  of  different  values.  Is  it  not  a  just  inference, 
that  the  prohibition,  to  the  States,  was  to  invoke  its  exercise  by  th? 
general  government  to  secure  one  uniform  value  ?     Certainly. 

We  are  in  the  midst  of  a  great  struggle.  It  involves  every  thin^x 
sacred  to  man — life,  liberty,  property,  home,  country.  We  must  bring 
it  to  a  successful  conclusion.  To  carry  it  on,  a  curnncy  of  son. b 
kind  is  a  necessity.  We  are  blockaded  from  the  world.  "Coin"  up 
an  impossibility.  It  does  not  exist  with  us,  and  cannot  be  had.  This 
currency  must  be  created  by  the  government.  All  admit  this.  A:  : 
the  m/eans  to  give  value  to  this  denied  the  Government  ?  The  chief 
value  of  currency  is,  that  it  will  pass  current.  To  make  it  a  legal 
tender  is  one  of  the  best  means  of  accomplishing  this. 

Great  Britain,  from  '97,  under  the  direction  of  Pitt,  made  the  note* 
of  the  Bank  of  England  legal  tenders  for  upwards  of  twenty  years. 
The  United  States,  with  the  srnnt  provision  in  her  Constitution  as  £n 
ours,  has  made  ive  hundred  millions  of  her  notes  legal  tenders  ;  and 
for  what,  to  sustain  her  currency,  and  crush  the  rebellion.  And  here, 
our  statesmen,  with  the  vandals  in  our  "borders,  desolating  our  home?, 
burning  our  dwellings,  handcuffing  our  wives  and  daughters,  an  1 
driving  thern  like  cattle,  before  a  negro  soldiery — they  are  groping  in 
darkness  to  find  a  power  in  the  Constitution  to  drive  them  back  with 
vengeance  on  their  heads.  Hannibal,  thundering  at  the  gates  of  the 
capital,  and  statesmen  unable  to  find  a  power  the  Yankees  have  exer- 
cised, to  crush  us.  "  Tell  it  not  in  Gath  ;  publish  it  not  in  the  streets 
of  Askelon."  Legislators,  away  to  the  winds  legal,  technical  refine  ■ 
ments.  Let  common  sense  reign.  Lose  not  the  substance,  in  grasping 
at  the  shadow. 

Under  the  operation  of  my  two  first  propositions,  as  the  depreciated 
currency  would  be  pouring  into  the  treasury,  the  sound  legal  Under 
notes  would  be,  gradually  going  out.  I  put  the  amount  at  two  hundred 
and  fifty  millions,  that  after  such  a  redundant  currency,  when  it  is 
demonatised,  the  contraction  may  not  be  too  severe.  It  is  probable  h 
will  require  that  amount  for  the  great  operations  of  the  country.  Th  > 
larger  the  amount,  with  safety  to  the  currency,  the  les3  interest  the 
Government  will  have  to  pay. 

I  insert  -balance  of  my  second  number,  that  all  may  be  complete  in 
the  present  one.  The  other  propositions  seem  explicit  enough.  I 
will  add,  from  the  best  information  obtained,  I  incline  to  the  opinion, 
the  allowance  made,  for  pay,  ordnance,  transportation,  &c,  in  my  estU 
mate,  is  largely  over  the  mark,  which,  if  so,  would  reduce  the  amount 
of  the  debt  at  the  end  of  the  first  and  second  year. 

3d.  Authorize  the  issue  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  fi 
per  cent,  coupon  bonds,  payable  in years. 

4th.  Raise,  by  export  and  import  duties,  forty  millions,  and  pledge 
it  to  the  payment  of  the  principal  and  interest  of  the  above  bond.s 


10 

Interest  thirty-seven  million  five  hundred  thousand  dollars.  Dedicate 
the  two  and-a-half  millions  to  a  sinking  fund. 

5th.  Until  the  end  of  the  war,  raise  hy  taxation  forty  millions  for 
the,  above  object,  payable  in  gold.  Legal  tender  notes  and  the  coupons 
receivable  as  the  equivalent  of  gold. 

6th.  Authorize  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  dispose  of  the  said 
coupon  bonds,  to  the  highest  bidder,  as  the  necessities  of  the  Govern- 
ment may  require. 

7th.  Authorize  the  present  holders  of  Confederate  bonds  to  exchange 
them  for  the  five  per  cent,  bonds;  the  eight  per  cent,  at  par,  and  the 
six  and  seven  in  proportion.  The  five  per  cent,  coupon  bonds,  with  a 
specific  tax  pledged,  would  be  more  valuable  in  market  than  the  eight 
per  cent,  without  such  pledge.  Hence,  I  suppose,  all  the  present 
bonds,  with  the  exception, of  the  fifteen  million  loan,  would  be  merged 
in  the  five  per  cent.  One  year  will  close  the  war,  if  you  are  bold  and 
wise.  Suppose  it  should  continue  two.  How  will  we  probably  stand 
under  the  above  series  of  measures  ?  The  present  redundant  cur- 
rency will  be  paid  by  the  twenty  per  cent,  tax,  not  equal  to  two  per 
cent,  in*  peace  times,  and,  with  a  restored  and  good  currency,  prices 
will  be  reasonable.  The  t;the  tax  c light,  and  probably  will,  feed  the 
army,  if  not  increase  it. 

By  five  per  cent,  coupon  bonus,  $750,000,000 

By  legal  tender  notes,  250,000,000 


To  eight  per  cents,  &c,  merged  in  the  five 

per  cents,  400,000,000 

Pay  of  army,  ordnance  department,  trans- 
portation, &c,  ought  not  to  exceed 
250,000, 001),  but  say  270,000,000 

Interest  on  debt,  say  80,000,000 


Si  ,000,000,000 


'00,000,000 


Balance  to  the  credit  of  the  Government  at  the  end  of 

the  year,  ^  $300,000,000 

If  the  war  should  continue  one  more  year,  we  shall  emerge  from  it, 
as  an  independent  people,  with  a  debt  of  about  seven  hundred  millions. 
If  it  should  last  two  years,  with  a  debt  of  not  over  a  thousand  millions. 
Carry  these  measures  out,  the  faith  of  the  nation  will  be  preserved, 
the  credit  of  the  Confederacy  will  loom  up  to  the  astonishment  and 
wonder  of  the  world,  and  they  who  bear  the  burthens  will  bless  you. 

Legislators,  centuries  will  look  to  the  deeds  of  this  day  !  The  his- 
toric pen  of  Tacitus  record  them.  Jackson,  Lee,  and  other  heroes, 
now  cherished  in  the  hearts  of  their  countrymen,  will  be  lights  on  the 
cliffs  of  time.  Our  noble  armies  rank  with  Roman  legions  and  the 
men  of  Leonidas.  How  will  you  stand  on  that  recorded  page?  Do 
you  pant  for  a  place  on  its  honored  roll  ?  Then  rise  to  The  great 
occasion.  ■  Think  not  of  self,  but  your  country.  Do  your  whole  duty, 
boldly,  manfully.      Fear  neither   the  press  nor   your   constituents. 


11 

The  latter  will  sustain  you.  The  sires  of  brave  sons,  wbo  bare 
their  breasts  to  Yankee  bullets,  should  not  be  intimidated  by  the  fires 
of  the  former.  Your  great  mission  is  to  save  your  country.  Are  you 
equal  to  this  asks 

THE  PEOPLE. 


VI 

I  know  the  value  of  the  few  days  left  to  you.  In  my  last  number, 
I  touched  upon  two  great  constitutional  question?.  In  the  first, 
referred  to  President  Davis*  message  and  Secretary  Memmh 
report,  as  satisfactory  arguments  for  the  imposition  of  "  a  direct  tax," 
before  "  enumeration."  Some  may  not  have  duly  weighed  them,  and 
on  the  heel  of  the  session  have  no  leisure  to  look  them  up.  May  I, 
in  kindness,  condense  them  to  save  your  precious  time? 

"  The  general  power  of  taxation,  vested  in  Congress  by  the  provi- 
sional Constitution,  wa3  not  restricted  by  any  other  condition  than 
that  '  all  duties,  imposts  and  excises,  should  be  uniform  throughout 
the  States  of  the  Cofederacy.'  The  permanent  Constitution,  sanction- 
ing the  principle,  that  taxation  and  representation  ought  to  rest  on  the 
same  basis,  provides,  that  '  representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be 
apportioned  among  the  States  according  to  their  respective  num- 
bers, '  &c. 

"  In  a  previous  section,  it  directed  a  census  should  be  made  within 
three  years  after  the  meeting  of  the  first  Congress,  and  that  'no 
tation  or  othc^r  direct   tax   shall  be  laid,  unless  in   proportion  to  the 
census  or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed  to  be  taken.' 

'•  Under  these  provisions,  capitation  and  direct  taxes  must  be  levied 
in  proportion  to  the  census  when  made,  conceded  that  taxes  on  land 
and  negroes  are  direct  taxes.  It  is  contended  that  the  provision  which 
declares  that  no  direct  or  capitation  tax  shall  be  laid  unless  in  con- 
formity with  an  enumeration,,  prevents  the  imposition  of  any  tax  on 
laud  and  negroes  until  the  enumeration  shall  be  made.  The  land  and 
negroes  in  the  Confederate  States  constitute  two- thirds  of  taxable 
values;  and  if  this  objection  prevail,  it  would  establish  the  surprising 
conclusion  that  all  the  States  which  ratified  the  Constitution,  while 
engaged  in  war,  which  put  at  hazard  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  all  their 
citizens  and  their  own  independence,  excepted  from  the  contribution  to 
maintain  that  war  the  very  property  for  which  they  are  contending. 
Such  a  construction  is  manifestly  erroneous,  and  could  never  have 
been  intended.  The  more  consistent  interpretation  i^,  that  a  principle 
was  established  which  should  operate  as  soon  as  the  basis  of  its  action 
was  obtained.  As  soon  as  the  enumeration  could  be  taken,  there  was 
to  be  an  apportionment.  But  if  an  enumeration  became  impossible, 
then  the  tax  must  be  laid  according  to  the  other  rule  of  uniformity 
declared  by  the  Constitution.  There  is  a  general  power  to  lay  taxes, 
which  becomes  subject  to  special  limitation  as  soon  as  an  enumeration 
can  be  had.     That  enumeration  is  directed  to  be  taken  within  three 


12 

years,  but  is  prevented  from  being  taken  by  the  presence  of  the  public 
enemy.  ^  Under  such  a  state  of  things  the  limitation  must  be  consid- 
ered as  in  suspense,  and  the  general  power  may  be  exercised.  It 
seems,  therefore,  that  the  ad  valorem  tax  is  no  infringement  of  the 
Constitution. 

"  There  are  many  duties  imposed  by  the  Constitution  which  depend 
for  their  fulfillment  on  the  undisturbed  possession  of  the  territory 
within  which  they  are  to  be  performed.  The  same  instrument  which 
orders  a  census  to  be  made  in  alhthe  States  imposes  the  duty  on  the 
Confederacy  "  to  guarantee  to  every  State  a  republican  Government." 
It  enjoins  on  us  "  to  protect  each  State  from  invasion,"  and  whilst 
declaring  that  its  great  objects  and  purposes  are  "  to  establish  justice, 
ensure  domestic  tranquility  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to 
ourselves  and  our  posterity,"  it  confers  the  means  and  thereby  imposes 
on  us  the  paramount  duty  of  effecting  its  intent,  "  by  laying  and  col- 
lecting taxes,  duties,  imposts  and  excises,  necessary  to  pay  the  debts, 
provide  for  the  common  defence  and  carry  on  the  Government  of  the 
Confederate  States." 

"  None  would  preten  dthat  the  Constitution  is  violated  because,  by 
the  presence  of  hostile  armies,  we  are  unable  to  guarantee  a  republi- 
can form  of  Government  to  those  States  or  portions  of  States  now 
temporarily  held  by  the  enemy ;  and  as  little  justice  would  there  be 
in  imputing  blame  for  the  failure  to  make  the  census,  when  that 
failure  is  attributable  to  causes  not  foreseen  by  the  authors  of  the 
Constitution  and  beyond  our  control.  The  general  intent  of  our  con- 
stitutional charter  is,  unquestionably,  that  the  property  of  the  country 
is  to  be  taxed,  in  order  to  raise  revenue  for  the  common  defence,  and 
the  special  mode  provided  for  laying  this  tax  is  impracticable  from 
unforeseen  causes.  Our  primary  duty  is  to  execute  the  general  intent 
expressed  by  the  terms  of  the  Constitution,  and  cannot  be  excused 
for  failure  to  fulfill  this  obligation  on  the  ground  of  inability  to  per- 
form it  in  the  precise  way  pointed  out. 

"  The  above  considerations  are  greatly  enforced  by  the  reflection 
that  any  attempt  to  apportion  taxes  among  the  States,  some  of  which 
are  wholly  or  partially  in  the  occupation  of  hostile  forces,  would  sub- 
vert the  whole  intent  of.  the  Constitution  and  be  productive  of  the 
most  revolting  injustice,  instead  of  that  relation  between  taxation 
and  representation  which  it  was  their  purpose  to  secure.  With  large 
portions  of  some  of  the  States  occupied  by  the  enemy,  what  justice 
would  there  be  in  imposing  on  the  remainder  the  whole  amount  of  the 
taxation  of  the  entire  State  ? 

"  What  else  would  this  be,  in  effect,  than  to  increase  the  burthens  of 
those  who  are  the  heaviest  sufferers,  and  to  make  our  own  inability  to 
protect  them  from  invasion,  as  we  are  required  to  do  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, the  ground  for  adding  to  their  losses,  by  an  attempted  adherence 
to  the  letter,  in  violation  of  the  spirit  of  that  instrument.  No  such 
purpose  could  have  been  entertained,  and  no  such  result  contem- 
plated, by  the  framers  of  the  Constitution."  Trust  you^Ul  consider 
above  views  satisfactory,  as  docs 

TT-Ttt    PTCfYPT.T?. 


13 
VII. 


You  have  a  great  work  to  perform.  In  several  bills  recently  passed 
you  have  given  earnest  of  a  manly  determination  to  do  your  whole 
duty  I  honor  you  for  it.  Let  the  few  remaining  days  of  your 
existence  be  still  more  marked  by  decisive  wisdom.  «  The  peonte  » 
has  striven,  with  honest  zeal,  to  aid  you  in  your  deliberations  The 
preceding  numbers  have  urged  a  series  of  measure,  which,  the  writer 
behoves  won  d  remedy  the  evils.  They  have  been  urged  with  the 
zeal  of  honest  conviction.  ° 

In  this  I  present  another which  commands  the  approbation  of  men 
of  talent  and  fine  fiscal  ability.     Pray  read  and  inwardly  digest 

1.  Impose  an  ad  valorem  tax  of  twenty -five  per  cent,  on  all  property 
The  valuation  of  860  to  be  taken  as  a  'bans,  except  lands  andTther 
property  where  sold  nnce,  and  then  the  price  at  which  the  vendee  holds 
them  One-half  of  said  tax  payable  on  the  1  st  day  of  January,  1365 
and  the  other  half  on  the  1st  day  of  July,  1866  The  notes  when 
paid  m,  to  be  cancelled  and  burnt.  Offer  a  discount  of  Sy  per 
cent   to  such  as  shall  pay  in  full  by   the    1st  day  of  August,  1884 

?Mnarch?iP86r5.Cent'  *  **  ^  W   **  fU"  b*  the   'st  <"»/  3 

2  Provide  that  such  as  choose  may  execute  their  bonds  to  the 
Confederate  Government,  secured  by  mortgage  on  their  lands,  payable 
in  thirty  years,  bearing  an  interest  of  six  per  cent.,  payable  semi! 
annually.  The  obligors  to  have  the  privilege  of  paying  ^them  off  at 
cSffZZl?**  t0  th6  date  °f  ^^Present  <£  S 
3.  Authorize  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  issue  as  many  mil- 
hons  of  six  per  cent,  coupon  bonds,  payable  in  thirty. three  year 
interest  payable  sem.  annually,  as  may  be"  necessary  to  prosecutTthe 
war;  and  pledge  the  faith  of  the  Government  to  impose  a  to  suffi! 
cent  to  pay  the  interest  and  to  establish  a  sinking  fund  for  their 
redemption  at  maturity.  6  TO,r 

4  Make  the  banks  and  saving  banks  the  fiscal  agents  of  the  Govern 
ment.     Let  the  above  bonds,  as  the  wants  of  the  Government  require 

Place 'to  the  "  ,Sa'dfbanks  and  bankerS>  and  dcma*d  that  the/sha  i 
place  to  he  credit  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  the  amount  of 
said  bonds  in  their  own  issues.  The  issues  of  the  said  banks  no  to 
exceed  the  amount  of  bonds  deposited  by  the  Secretary 

5  Provide   that  when  the  holders  of  the  notes  of  the  said  banks 
Said  notes       G°Vernment  bonds'  ^7  shall  P^ont  them  at  par 

m.l'«^Mp  taxatioi\t0a  P°int   that   the  circulation  of  the  banks 

Zl     i,  u  teCd  tW°  h,Uadred  and  fifty  mil,ions      Provide   that  their 

wt/       ,bC,  reCeiVe,d  '"  ^ment  of  taxes-     Th*  *««  in  cities  col. 
lected  quarterly;  m  the  country  semi-annually 

A    ^    e,qulre'   ^  a  bonus  from  the  banks,  that  they  shall  lend  to 

fav?t°h    terate  ^TT*  a!1  th6ir  C°in>  "P°n  itS   Pledged  A     0 
pay  it  back,  m  gold  and  silver,  in  two  years  after  the  war 


14 

I  will  be  laconic,  in  remarks,  on  these  propositions  that  you  may 
read. 

Proposition  first. — This  will,  probably,  absorb  three-fourths  of  the 
present  currency  by  thedst  of  August,  1864,  and  nine-tenths  by  the 
1st  of  March,  I860. 

Proposition  second. — This  will  prevent  pressure,  distress,  or  sacrifice 
of  property,  to  such  as  may  not  have  the  money.  It  gives  a  credit  of 
thirty  years  by  paying  six  per  cent,  interest,  with  the  privilege  of 
paving  off  the  mortgage,  at  any  time  before,  in  present  treasury  notes. 

Proposition  third. — No  amount  of  bonds  fixed,  because  that  will  be 
regulated  by  the  appropriations  of  Congress.  Only  pledge  the  faith 
of  the  Government,  to  taxes  as  indicated,  for  their  redemption. 

Proposition  fourth.— The  advantages  of  this  proposition  are  many. 
It  stops,  at  once,  "  the  Government  mill."  The  banks  become  the 
fiscal  agents.  Their  notes  become  the  currency,  but  based  on  the 
bonds  of  the  Government.  If  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  requires 
a  million  of  dollars,  he  deposits  that  amount  of  bonds  with  the  Vir- 
ginia bank,  and  she  furnishes  him  with  a  million  of  her  notes.  And  so 
on  with  every  other  bank,  when  funds  may  be  required.  Instead  of 
millions  of  dollars  being  in  the  hands  of  quartermasters,  a  suject  of 
anxiety  to  the  honest,  and  a  temptation  to  the  weak,  the  most  transac- 
tions will  be  by  checks  and  drafts,  which  it  will  be  the  interest  and 
pleasure  of  the  banks  to  facilitate.  It  would  facilitate  the  operations 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  still  leave  a  weight  under 
which  a  Hercules  might  stagger.  The  banks  have  good,  experienced 
and  efficient  officers  and  clerks.  The  accounts  would  be  plainly  and 
correctly  kept,  and  monthly  returns  made  to  the  Treasury  Department, 
where  they  would  be  audited.  Thousands,  perhaps  millions,  would 
be  saved  by  this  change. 

Proposition  fifth.— -It  would  facilitate  the  investment  in  bonds.  The 
banks  alone  would  have  the  disposition  of  them.  Dispersed  through 
every  State,  they  would  be  convenient  to  all. 

Proposition  sixth. — The  tithe  tax  will  support  the  army.  In  ordi- 
nary times,  the  taxes  are  collected  annually,  because  the  farmers'  crops 
aie  annual.  But  now  they  are  selling  at  all  times — a  ready  market 
for  every  thing.  It  will  be  convenient  to  them  to  pay  semi-annually, 
and  better  too.  The  men  of  cities  could  conveniently  pay  quarterly. 
By  thus  collecting,  and  the  rapid  circulation  of  money,  less  will  per- 
form all  the  functions  of  government  and  society.  With  the  agency 
of  banks,  one  hundred  and  eighty,  or  two  hundred,  or  two  hundred 
and  fifty  millions  would  suffice ;  the  latter  sum  should  be  the  maxi- 
mum. 

Proposition  seventh. — The  banks  could  well  afford  to  lend  to  the 
Government  their  gold  and,  silver.  It  brings  them  no  interest  now, 
and  is  dead  capital,  whilst  the  country  is  suffering  for  it.  The  Govern- 
ment to  return  it  with  interest  in  coin  in  two  years  after  the  war. 
What  the  benefit  to  the  banks,  by  making  them  the  fiscal  agents  ?  For 
every  dollar  they  issue  the  Government  would  pay  them  six  per  cent, 
whilst  their  notes  would  carry  no  interest.  The  Government  furnish- 
ing the  basis  of  their  issues,  and  responsible  for  it  all.     The  coin  of 


f      15 

f 

the  banks,  I  suppose,  twenty  millions.  This  is  dead  capital,  whilst 
the  country  requires  all  its  resources  to  be  active.  Twenty  millions 
in  specio  funds  in  Europe,  might  sot  afloat  forty  war  steamers.  What 
a  sensation  ihey  would  make  in  Yankee  land.  What  a  panic  in 
street.  What  "  a  hand  writing  on  the  wall."  How  would  the  guilty 
Belshazzar  tremble — "  his  knees  smite  one  against  the  other." 

This  plan  is  free  from  two  objections  to  the  former.  1st.  None  of 
the  present  currency  is  demonetised.  2d.  No  legal-tender  notes  are 
authorised. 

If  neither  scheme  should  meet  with  your  approval,  perhaps,  a 
block  out  of  one,  and  a  brick  out  of  the  other,  may  aid  the  construc- 
tion of  your  building;  if  so,  my  labour  will  not  be  in  vain. 

Let  faction  be  hushed  and  the  country  united.  If  you  fail  in  wise 
legislation,  it  will  be  too  late  for  your  successors  to  remedy  it.  "  The 
Philistines"  are  upon  us.  Patriotism  should  prompt  every  man  to 
lend  his  whole  influence  in  repelling  the  enemy.  What  1  preach.  I 
intend  to  practice.  Should  your  action  fall  short  of  my  conviction?, 
I  mean  to  rally  to  their  support — distrust  my  own  judgment  arid 
carry  out  yours.  We  must  respect  the  constituted  authorities  and 
in  their  great  labours,  "  hold  up  their  hands."  In  union  and  har- 
mony of  council,  is  safety  and  a  glorious  future.  Set  an  example  to 
the  people.  Cordial  concert  of  action  between  the  departments  of 
government  will  animate  their  hearts.  Do  all  you  can  to  promote  it. 
He  is  a  madman  who  now  would  seek  to  scatter  discord. 

In  a  few  days  you  will  lay  aside  your  armour.  'Twill  be  inglorious 
to  rest.  Other  fields  are  before  you.  Some  under  the  battle  flag  of 
your  country — others  as  tribunes  of  the  people,  exhorting,  entreat- 
ing, and  inspiiing  their  hearts  with  the  fires  of  patriotism.  Trample 
mammon  in  the  dust.  A  country  lost,  or  a  country  saved,  should  bo  the 
great  theme.  Walk  humbly  before  God,  invoke  his  aid,  and  He  will 
crown  our  arms  with  victory  and  our  country  with  freedom.  Mav 
God  save  THE  PEOPLE,  * 


5  \ 


Hoilinger  Corp, 
PH8.5 


